It's a fact of life that people hate tattle-tales more than they hate the people who they tattle on. (...)
But one has to wonder why? A tattle-tale (or whistleblower) seems to imply that someone is exposing something someone else would rather not see end up in the light of day. In short, someone is having their dirty laundry exposed. But who is "the bad guy/gal", the one with the dirty laundry or the one exposing it?
Like those who suddenly discover the imperatives of feminism when it comes time to justify the war in Afghanistan, or those who become overnight advocates of gay rights when it comes time to demonize the regime in Tehran, or those who took a very recent interest in Ecuadorean press freedoms, these sex assault allegations — as serious and deserving of legal resolution as they are — are being cynically exploited as a political weapon by many who have long despised Assange for reasons entirely independent of this case.
Then there's the ideological cause. As one long-time British journalist told me this week when discussing the vitriol of the British press toward Assange: "Nothing delights British former lefties more than an opportunity to defend power while pretending it is a brave stance in defence of a left liberal principle." That's the warped mindset that led to so many of these self-styled liberal journalists to support the attack on Iraq and other acts of Western aggression in the name of liberal values. And it's why nothing triggers their rage like fundamental critiques of, and especially meaningful opposition to, the institutions of power to which they are unfailingly loyal.
It's a fact of life that people hate tattle-tales more than they hate the people who they tattle on. It's fscked up thinking and I don't subscribe to it personally, but I'd be lying if I said that's not how it works.
I don't have any sympathy for Assange. He's a spy and a mercenary. He has no excuse for not knowing the risks of his chosen profession. Going to prison or catching a sniper's bullet is part of the job, and he should man up and quit whining about it.
The rape part is a separate matter. If his legitimately criminal activities put him in the hot seat for his espionage activities, that's his problem.
Like those who suddenly discover the imperatives of feminism when it comes time to justify the war in Afghanistan, or those who become overnight advocates of gay rights when it comes time to demonize the regime in Tehran, or those who took a very recent interest in Ecuadorean press freedoms, these sex assault allegations — as serious and deserving of legal resolution as they are — are being cynically exploited as a political weapon by many who have long despised Assange for reasons entirely independent of this case.
Then there's the ideological cause. As one long-time British journalist told me this week when discussing the vitriol of the British press toward Assange: "Nothing delights British former lefties more than an opportunity to defend power while pretending it is a brave stance in defence of a left liberal principle." That's the warped mindset that led to so many of these self-styled liberal journalists to support the attack on Iraq and other acts of Western aggression in the name of liberal values. And it's why nothing triggers their rage like fundamental critiques of, and especially meaningful opposition to, the institutions of power to which they are unfailingly loyal.
PUBLISHED: 08:42 EST, 19 August 2012 | UPDATED: 10:00 EST, 19 August 2012
WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange made his first public appearance for two months today to demand the American government's 'war on whistleblowers' must end.
He also said he had taken a 'stand for justice' and praised the 'courageous South American nation' of Ecuador as he spoke from the balcony of its embassy in central London.
The 41-year-old was granted asylum by Ecuador on Thursday as he seeks to avoid extradition to Sweden, where he is wanted for questioning over sexual misconduct allegations.
Controversial: WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange made his first public appearance for two months today to demand the American government's 'war on whistleblowers' must end
Outspoken: He also said he had taken a 'stand for justice' and praised the 'courageous South American nation' of Ecuador,which has granted him political asylum
Running a test to see who is reading my posts. So, if you read this, leave me a one word comment about your day. Only one word please. Then copy this to your wall so I can leave a word for you. Don't just post a word and not copy - that's not as much fun!
Now, as he leaves office after yet another disputed election, Calderón will go down in history as one of Mexico’s most discredited and unpopular presidents—in part because of the revelations in the WikiLeaks cables that exposed his “unprecedented cooperation” with Washington. Indeed, as Mexicans know from the documents published in my newspaper, La Jornada, Calderón’s failed agenda and leadership—particularly his top priority of winning the war against the drug cartels and protecting Mexican citizens from the gruesome, intolerable narco-generated violence that has taken the lives of thousands—is a failure he shares with the United States.
The cables struck Mexico like a windstorm, blowing back the curtains of diplomacy and exposing what had not been intended for public view. Through the 3,000 leaked records—some secret, a few ultrasecret, but the majority simply indiscreet, harsh and rude—readers of Mexican newspapers learned the hidden details of our political, military and economic relations with the United States. For the first time, Mexicans could read the US Embassy’s critical judgments of the proud Mexican generals who never open themselves up to public scrutiny, as well as Washington’s candid assessment of its erstwhile ally, President Calderón, who is depicted as weak and condescending, lacking in legitimacy from the start of his tenure.
Beyond the undiplomatic opinions, however, the WikiLeaks cables revealed the astonishing degree to which the United States exercised its power and influence at the highest levels of the Mexican government. In some cases it appears that an essential part of the decision-making process on matters of internal security is actually designed not in Mexico City but in Washington. For Mexicans, the cables have reinforced once again that famous adage “Pobre Mexico: tan lejos de Dios, y tan cerca de los Estados Unidos.” Poor Mexico: so far from God and so close to the United States...
